Tuesday, December 31, 2024

Production for Profit Is Production for People, part 2

"In his capacity as a businessman a man is a servant of the consumers, bound to comply with their wishes. He cannot indulge in his own whims and fancies. But his customers’ whims and fancies are for him ultimate law, provided these customers are ready to pay for them. He is under the necessity of adjusting his conduct to the demand of the consumers. If the consumers, without a taste for the beautiful, prefer things ugly and vulgar, he must, contrary to his own convictions, supply them with such things. If consumers do not want to pay a higher price for domestic products than for those produced abroad, he must buy the foreign product, provided it is cheaper. An employer cannot grant favors at the expense of his customers. He cannot pay wage rates higher than those determined by the market if the buyers are not ready to pay proportionately higher prices for commodities produced in plants in which wage rates are higher than in other plants.

"It is different with man in his capacity as spender of his income. He is free to do what he likes best."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Monday, December 30, 2024

Production for Profit Is Production for People

"Profit and loss can be expressed in definite amounts of money. It is possible to ascertain in terms of money how much an individual has profited or lost. However, this is not a statement about this individual’s psychic profit or loss. It is a statement about a social phenomenon, about the individual’s contribution to the societal effort as it is appraised by the other members of society. It does not tell us anything about the individual’s increase or decrease in satisfaction or happiness. It merely reflects his fellow men’s evaluation of his contribution to social cooperation. This evaluation is ultimately determined by the efforts of every member of society to attain the highest possible psychic profit. It is the resultant of the composite effect of all these people’s subjective and personal value judgments as manifested in their conduct on the market."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Sunday, December 29, 2024

Freedom and Competition

"The freedom of man under capitalism is an effect of competition. The worker does not depend on the good graces of an employer. If his employer discharges him, he finds another employer. The consumer is not at the mercy of the shopkeeper. He is free to patronize another shop if he likes. Nobody must kiss other people’s hands or fear their disfavor. Interpersonal relations are businesslike. the exchange of goods and services is mutual; it is not a favor to sell or to buy, it is a transaction dictated by selfishness on either side.

"It is true that in his capacity as a producer every man depends either directly—e.g., the entrepreneur—or indirectly—e.g., the hired worker—on the demands of the consumers. However, this dependence upon the supremacy of the consumers is not unlimited. If a man has a weighty reason for defying the sovereignty of the consumers, he can try it. There is in the range of the market a very substantial and effective right to resist oppression. Nobody is forced to go into the liquor industry or into a gun factory if his conscience objects. He may have to pay a price for his conviction; there are in this world no ends the attainment of which is gratuitous. But it is left to a man’s own decision to choose between a material advantage and the call of what he believes to be his duty. In the market economy the individual alone is the supreme arbiter in matters of his satisfaction."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Saturday, December 28, 2024

Pseudo-Liberalism

"The detractors of liberty are in this sense right in calling it a 'bourgeois' issue and in blaming the rights guaranteeing liberty for being negative. In the realm of state and government, liberty means restraint imposed upon the exercise of the police power.

"There would be no need to dwell upon this obvious fact if the champions of the abolition of liberty had not purposely brought about a semantic confusion. They realized that it was hopeless for them to fight openly and sincerely for restraint and servitude. The notions liberty and freedom had such prestige that no propaganda could shake their popularity. Since time immemorial in the realm of Western civilization liberty has been considered as the most precious good. What gave to the West its eminence was precisely its concern about liberty, a social ideal foreign to the oriental peoples. The social philosophy of the Occident is essentially a philosophy of freedom. The main content of the history of Europe and the communities founded by European emigrants and their descendants in other parts of the world was the struggle for liberty. 'Rugged' individualism is the signature of our civilization. No open attack upon the freedom of the individual had any prospect of success.

"Thus the advocates of totalitarianism chose other tactics. They reversed the meaning of words. They call true or genuine liberty the condition of the individuals under a system in which they have no right other than to obey orders. In the United States, they call themselves true liberals because they strive after such a social order."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Friday, December 27, 2024

"Mature Capitalism" Ain't Capitalism

"It would be correct to describe this state of affairs in this way: Today many or some groups of business are no longer liberal; they do not advocate a pure market economy and free enterprise, but, on the contrary, are asking for various measures of government interference with business. But it is entirely misleading to say that the meaning of the concept of capitalism has changed and that 'mature capitalism'—as the American Institutionalists call it—or 'late 'capitalism'—as the Marxians call it—is characterized by restrictive policies to protect the vested interests of wage earners, farmers, shopkeepers, artisans, and sometimes also of capitalists and entrepreneurs. The concept of capitalism is as an economic concept immutable; if it means anything, it means the market economy. One deprives oneself of the semantic tools to deal adequately with the problems of contemporary history and economic policies if one acquiesces in a different terminology. This faulty nomenclature becomes understandable only if we realize that the pseudo-economists and the politicians who apply it want to prevent people from knowing what the market economy really is. They want to make people believe that all the repulsive manifestations of restrictive government policies are produced by 'capitalism.'”

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

TGIF: Social Cooperation Versus Violence

The chilling photo of a hooded man cold-bloodedly executing a health-insurance CEO on a busy New York City street should make any decent person pause and reflect. Anyone who even glimpses the role of social cooperation in making life better and longer felt sickened, or should have. Nothing can justify what the perpetrator did. That so many people see him as a vengeful hero acting in defense of the downtrodden is appalling. One can only hope they will soon come to their senses.

At the risk of taking our eye off the crime, it's worth pointing out that all departures from the market economy—laissez-faire capitalism—are steps toward social disintegration. That infamous, unsurpassingly ugly photo is the perfect image of anti-cooperation, anti-capitalism, and anti-human welfare.

The choice we face is between social cooperation and social disintegration. No person of goodwill harbors doubt about the right choice. The question is how to achieve social cooperation: the state, that is, aggressive force, or the market. The theoretical and historical evidence is unmistakable: the market economy is unequivocally the only way to achieve maximum social cooperation. The state destroys social cooperation.

The widely held belief that social cooperation through the market will not work with health care is balderdash for which no one has adduced evidence. Where markets are left significantly unmolested by politicians and bureaucrats, it achieves reasonable prices and supplies and—this is important—virtually universal coverage. Even those we call poor in this society have refrigerators, HVACs, automobiles, microwave ovens, mobile phones, flat-screen TVs, and so on. Why not affordable universal health services, including insurance?

The reason is that variously motivated politicians and bureaucrats—urged on by "Baptists and bootleggers"—have for over a hundred years tried to combine insurance and welfare in one system, despite their incompatibilities. When that happens, socially harmful results follow; perverse incentives proliferate. Government measures have suppressed supply and boosted demand, a volatile combination. Falsely proclaiming that health care is a right matter not a whit. That the resulting Rube Goldberg "system" of partly spontaneous disorder works as well as it does is a tribute to what's left of the entrepreneurial market and the profit motive. A little market goes a long way. (As they used to say about the Timex watch: 'It takes a licking and keeps on ticking.")

However, the distortions caused by interference with the practice of medicine and the provision of medical insurance have eroded social cooperation, imposed hardship, and created animosity. For that reason alone we need free markets for those services and products

Ludwig von Mises, the premier advocate of full classical liberalism in the 20th century, spent his life demonstrating the indispensability of private property and free trade—capitalism—to social cooperation. He almost titled his economics treatise, Human Action (1949), "Social Cooperation."

The social cooperation of the market economy is often used interchangeably with the term individualism. Isn't that a paradox? Mises resolved the paradox:

Individual man is born into a socially organized environment. In this sense alone we may accept the saying that society is--logically or historically--antecedent to the individual. In every other sense this dictum is either empty or nonsensical. The individual lives and acts within society. But society is nothing but the combination of individuals for cooperative effort. It exists nowhere else than in the actions of individual men. It is a delusion to search for it outside the actions of individuals. To speak of a society’s autonomous and independent existence, of its life, its soul, and its actions is a metaphor which can easily lead to crass errors.

The questions whether society or the individual is to be considered as the ultimate end, and whether the interests of society should be subordinated to those of the individuals or the interests of the individuals to those of society are fruitless. Action is always action of individual men....

The postliberals of "left" and "right"—the illiberals—who fret that in the market all relationships are reduced to cash get it wrong:

Within the frame of social cooperation there can emerge between members of society feelings of sympathy and friendship and a sense of belonging together. These feelings are the source of man’s most delightful and most sublime experiences. They are the most precious adornment of life; they lift the animal species man to the heights of a really human existence. However, they are not, as some have asserted, the agents that have brought about social relationships. They are fruits of social cooperation, they thrive only within its frame; they did not precede the establishment of social relations and are not the seed from which they spring.

Then what are the agents of social relationships?

The fundamental facts that brought about cooperation, society, and civilization and transformed the animal man into a human being are the facts that work performed under the division of labor is more productive than isolated work and that man’s reason is capable of recognizing this truth. But for these facts men would have forever remained deadly foes of one another, irreconcilable rivals in their endeavors to secure a portion of the scarce supply of means of sustenance provided by nature. Each man would have been forced to view all other men as his enemies; his craving for the satisfaction of his own appetites would have brought him into an implacable conflict with all his neighbors. No sympathy could possibly develop under such a state of affairs.

So we have the division of labor, increased productivity, and trade to thank for civilization. The postliberals are wrong. Very wrong. We should yearn for neither the Rousseauian state of nature nor the Hobbesian Leviathan. Mises:

Man appeared on the scene of earthly events as a social being. The isolated asocial man is a fictitious construction....

The idea that anybody would have fared better under an asocial state of mankind and is wronged by the very existence of society is absurd. Thanks to the higher productivity of social cooperation the human species has multiplied far beyond the margin of subsistence offered by the conditions prevailing in ages with a rudimentary degree of the division of labor. Each man enjoys a standard of living much higher than that of his savage ancestors. The natural condition of man is extreme poverty and insecurity. It is romantic nonsense to lament the passing of the happy days of primitive barbarism.

Mises laid out more clearly than anyone how the market process creates general prosperity. He wrote:

The market economy is the social system of the division of labor under private ownership of the means of production. Everybody acts on his own behalf; but everybody’s actions aim at the satisfaction of other people’s needs as well as at the satisfaction of his own. Everybody in acting serves his fellow citizens. Everybody, on the other hand, is served by his fellow citizens. Everybody is both a means and an end in himself, an ultimate end for himself and a means to other people in their endeavors to attain their own ends.

This system is steered by the market. The market directs the individual’s activities into those channels in which he best serves the wants of his fellow men. There is in the operation of the market no compulsion and coercion....

The market process is the adjustment of the individual actions of the various members of the market society to the requirements of mutual cooperation.

The dislocations and distortions we rightly criticize in the medical sector are produced by government interference with this market process rooted in social cooperation. But people widely attribute those distortions to the market itself. How could they make such a fundamental mistake? Part of the reason is that private property in the profit-and-loss environment has not been completely eradicated. Rather, it has been denatured; the shell has been maintained, but its essence has been changed almost beyond recognition. The politicians' and bureaucrats' fingerprints are over it.

Mises noted:

In searching for remedies against poverty, inequality, and insecurity, [the present-day welfare propagandists] come step by step to endorse all the fallacies of the older schools of socialism and interventionism. They become more and more entangled in contradictions and absurdities. Finally they cannot help catching at the straw at which all earlier “unorthodox” reformers tried to grasp—the superior wisdom of perfect rulers. Their last word is always state, government, society, or other cleverly designed synonyms for the superhuman dictator.

The welfare school ... [has] published many thousands of volumes stuffed with punctiliously documented information about unsatisfactory conditions. In their opinion the collected materials clearly illustrate the shortcomings of capitalism. In truth they merely illustrate the fact that human wants are practically unlimited and that there is an immense field open for further improvements. They certainly do not prove any of the statements of the welfare doctrine.

In Mises's day the socialialists and interventionists promised that their alternatives to the market would outperform a social system based on private property. However, that promise changed when the anti-market forces could no longer evade statism's obvious inferiority in delivering the goods. Undeterred, they discovered the "age of limits" and criticized "consumerism." Now statism's superiority lies in its lack of productivity. But as I say, Mises had to contend with the opposite claims.

There is no need to tell us that an ampler supply of various commodities would be welcome to all people. The question is whether there is any means of achieving a greater supply other than by increasing the productivity of human effort by the investment of additional capital. All the babble of the welfare propagandists aims only at one end, namely, obscuring this point, the point that alone matters.,,, Thus they are the harbingers of economic retrogression, preaching a philosophy of decay and social disintegration. A society arranged according to their precepts may appear to some people as fair from the point of view of an arbitrary standard of social justice. But it will certainly be a society of progressing poverty for all its members....

The truth is that capitalism has not only multiplied population figures but at the same time improved the people’s standard of living in an unprecedented way. Neither economic thinking nor historical experience suggest that any other social system could be as beneficial to the masses as capitalism. The results speak for themselves. The market economy needs no apologists and propagandists. It can apply to itself the words of Sir Christopher Wren’s epitaph in St. Paul’s: Si monumentum requiris, circumspice. [If you seek his monument, look around.]

Our very lives depend on reviving the public's understanding of what the free market has bestowed in so short a time.

Thursday, December 26, 2024

Protecting Vested Interests

"There were and there will always be people whose selfish ambitions demand protection for vested interests and who hope to derive advantage from measures restricting competition. Entrepreneurs grown old and tired and the decadent heirs of people who succeeded in the past dislike the agile parvenus who challenge their wealth and their eminent social position. Whether or not their desire to make economic conditions rigid and to hinder improvements can be realized, depends on the climate of public opinion. The ideological structure of the nineteenth century, as fashioned by the prestige of the teachings of the liberal economists, rendered such wishes vain. When the technological improvements of the age of liberalism revolutionized the traditional methods of production, transportation, and marketing, those whose vested interests were hurt did not ask for protection because it would have been a hopeless venture. But today it is deemed a legitimate task of government to prevent an efficient man from competing with the less efficient. Public opinion sympathizes with the demands of powerful pressure groups to stop progress. The butter producers are with considerable success fighting against margarine and the musicians against recorded music. The labor unions are deadly foes of every new machine. It is not amazing that in such an environment less efficient businessmen aim at protection against more efficient competitors."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Wednesday, December 25, 2024

From Savagery to Civilization

"The market economy is a man-made mode of acting under the division of labor. But this does not imply that it is something accidental or artificial and could be replaced by another mode. The market economy is the product of a long evolutionary process. It is the outcome of man’s endeavors to adjust his action in the best possible way to the given conditions of his environment that he cannot alter. It is the strategy, as it were, by the application of which man has triumphantly progressed from savagery to civilization."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Tuesday, December 24, 2024

What Corporatism Actually Is

"The fundamental idea both of guild socialism and of corporativism is that every branch of business forms a monopolistic body, the guild or corporazione. This entity enjoys full autonomy; it is free to settle all its internal affairs without interference of external factors and of people who are not themselves members of the guild. The mutual relations between the various guilds are settled by direct bargaining from guild to guild or by the decisions of a general assembly of the delegates of all guilds. In the regular course of affairs the government does not interfere at all. Only in exceptional cases, when an agreement between the various guilds cannot be attained, is the state called in.

"[The guild socialists ... aimed at self-government of each branch of industry; they wanted, as the Webbs put it, “the right of self-determination for each vocation.”  ...[T]he guild alone should have jurisdiction over its internal affairs and the government should restrict its interference to those things which the guilds themselves cannot settle.

"However, within a system of social cooperation under the division of labor [i.e., the market economy] there are no such things as matters of concern only to those engaged in a special plant, enterprise, or branch of industry and of no concern to outsiders. There are no internal affairs of any guild or corporazione the arrangement of which does not affect the whole nation. A branch of business does not serve only those who are occupied in it; it serves everybody. If within any branch of business there is inefficiency, a squandering of scarce factors of production, or a reluctance to adopt the most appropriate methods of production, everybody’s material interests are hurt.... In the market economy the entrepreneur in making ... decisions is unconditionally subject to the law of the market. He is responsible to the consumers. If he were to defy the orders of the consumers, he would suffer losses and would very soon forfeit his entrepreneurial position. But the monopolistic guild does not need to fear competition. It enjoys the inalienable right of exclusively covering its field of production. It is, if left alone and autonomous, not the servant of the consumers, but their master. It is free to resort to practices which favor its members at the expense of the rest of the people."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Monday, December 23, 2024

Good Plan Means My Plan

"All this passionate praise of the supereminence of government action is but a poor disguise for the individual interventionist’s self-deification. The great god State is a great god only because it is expected to do exclusively what the individual advocate of interventionism wants to see achieved. Only that plan is genuine which the individual planner fully approves. All other plans are simply counterfeit. In saying 'plan' what the author of a book on the benefits of planning has in mind is, of course, his own plan alone. He does not take into account the possibility that the plan which the government puts into practice may differ from his own plan. The various planners agree only with regard to their rejection of laissez faire, i.e., the individuals’ discretion to choose and to act. They entirely disagree with regard to the choice of the unique plan to be adopted. To every exposure of the manifest and incontestable defects of interventionist policies the champions of interventionism react in the same way. These faults, they say, were the results of spurious interventionism; what we are advocating is good interventionism, not bad interventionism. And, of course, good interventionism is the professor’s own brand.

"Laissez faire means: Let the common man choose and act; do not force him to yield to a dictator."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Sunday, December 22, 2024

Who Needs What?

"[I]t is evident ... that the man, who first made himself clothes and built himself a cabin, supplied himself with things which he did not much want, since he had lived without them till then; and why should he not have been able to support in his riper years, the same kind of life, which he had supported from his infancy?"

—Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discourse on Equality

"Under laissez faire, says the planner, it is not those goods which people 'really' need that are produced, but those goods from the sale of which the highest returns are expected. It is the objective of planning to direct production toward the satisfaction of the 'true' needs. But who is to decide what the 'true' needs are?"

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Saturday, December 21, 2024

Whose Plan?

"The alternative is not plan or no plan. The question is whose planning? Should each member of society plan for himself, or should a benevolent government alone plan for them all? The issue is not automatism versus conscious action; it is autonomous action of each individual versus the exclusive action of the government. It is freedom versus government omnipotence.

"Laissez faire does not mean: Let soulless mechanical forces operate. It means: Let each individual choose how he wants to cooperate in the social division of labor; let the consumers determine what the entrepreneurs should produce. Planning means: Let the government alone choose and enforce its rulings by the apparatus of coercion and compulsion."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Friday, December 20, 2024

What Full Liberalism Is Not About

"Liberalism is a doctrine directed entirely towards the conduct of men in this world. In the last analysis, it has nothing else in view than the advancement of their outward, material welfare and does not concern itself directly with their inner, spiritual and metaphysical needs. It does not promise men happiness and contentment, but only the most abundant possible satisfaction of all those desires that can be satisfied by the things of the outer world."

"Liberalism has often been reproached for this purely external and materialistic attitude toward what is earthly and transitory. The life of man, it is said, does not consist in eating and drinking. There are higher and more important needs than food and drink, shelter and clothing. Even the greatest earthly riches cannot give man happiness; they leave his inner self, his soul, unsatisfied and empty. The most serious error of liberalism has been that it has had nothing to offer man’s deeper and nobler aspirations.

"But the critics who speak in this vein show only that they have a very imperfect and materialistic conception of these higher and nobler needs. Social policy, with the means that are at its disposal, can make men rich or poor, but it can never succeed in making them happy or in satisfying their inmost yearnings. Here all external expedients fail. All that social policy can do is to remove the outer causes of pain and suffering; it can further a system that feeds the hungry, clothes the naked, and houses the homeless. Happiness and contentment do not depend on food, clothing, and shelter, but, above all, on what a man cherishes within himself. It is not from a disdain of spiritual goods that liberalism concerns itself exclusively with man’s material well-being, but from a conviction that what is highest and deepest in man cannot be touched by any outward regulation. It seeks to produce only outer well-being because it knows that inner, spiritual riches cannot come to man from without, but only from within his own heart."

—Ludwig von Mises, Liberalism: The Classical Tradition

 

TGIF: The Unfortunately Forgotten Sumner

Some things haven't changed since 1883. In that year Yale University professor William Graham Sumner, the anti-imperialist laissez-faire liberal and pioneer of American sociology, noticed that "we are told every day that great social problems stand before us and demand a solution, and we are assailed by oracles, threats, and warnings in reference to those problems." Then, as now, self-styled progressives announced that the sky would fall unless the problem that had most recently caught their fancy was addressed once by the government. Adam Smith's observation that "there is a great deal of ruin in a nation" was too complacent for these world-savers.

In What Social Classes Owe to Each Other, Sumner continued his description: "There is a school of writers who are playing quite a rôle as the heralds of the coming duty and the coming woe. They assume to speak for a large, but vague and undefined, constituency, who set the task, exact a fulfilment, and threaten punishment for default." Sumner thought it was about time someone asked some penetrating questions:

After reading and listening to a great deal of this sort of assertion I find that the question forms itself with more and more distinctness in my mind: Who are those who assume to put hard questions to other people and to demand a solution of them? How did they acquire the right to demand that others should solve their world-problems for them? Who are they who are held to consider and solve all questions, and how did they fall under this duty?

Who indeed? What did his searches unearth?

So far as I can find out what the classes are who are respectively endowed with the rights and duties of posing and solving social problems, they are as follows: Those who are bound to solve the problems are the rich, comfortable, prosperous, virtuous, respectable, educated, and healthy; those whose right it is to set the problems are those who have been less fortunate or less successful in the struggle for existence. 

Thursday, December 19, 2024

The Welfare-State Paradox

"Whether ... a system of social security is a good or a bad policy is essentially a political problem. One may try to justify it by declaring that the wage earners lack the insight and the moral strength to provide spontaneously for their own future. But then it is not easy to silence the voices of those who ask whether it is not paradoxical to entrust the nation’s welfare to the decisions of voters whom the law itself considers incapable of managing their own affairs; whether it is not absurd to make those people supreme in the conduct of government who are manifestly in need of a guardian to prevent them from spending their own income foolishly. Is it reasonable to assign to wards the right to elect their guardians? It is no accident that Germany, the country that inaugurated the social security system, was the cradle of both varieties of modern disparagement of democracy, the Marxian as well as the non-Marxian."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Wednesday, December 18, 2024

The Steady Rise in Living Standards

"The history of capitalism as it has operated in the last two hundred years in the realm of Western civilization is the record of a steady rise in the wage earners’ standard of living. The inherent mark of capitalism is that it is mass production for mass consumption directed by the most energetic and far-sighted individuals, unflaggingly aiming at improvement. Its driving force is the profit-motive the instrumentality of which forces the businessman constantly to provide the consumers with more, better, and cheaper amenities. An excess of profits over losses can appear only in a progressing economy and only to the extent to which the masses’ standard of living improves. Thus capitalism is the system under which the keenest and most agile minds are driven to promote to the best of their abilities the welfare of the laggard many."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Tuesday, December 17, 2024

Mises on Wages under Capitalism

"While daily experience taught impressively that under capitalism real wage rates and the wage earners’ standard of living were steadily rising, while it became from day to day more obvious that the traditional walls separating the various strata of the population could no longer be preserved because the social improvement in the conditions of the industrial workers demolished the vested ideas of social rank and dignity, ... doctrinaires announced that old customs and social convention determine the height of wage rates. Only people blinded by preconceived prejudices and party bias could resort to such an explanation in an age in which industry supplies the consumption of the masses again and again with new commodities hitherto unknown and makes accessible to the average worker satisfactions of which no king could dream in the past."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Monday, December 16, 2024

Economics Is about Individual Choice

"The light which the economic theorist can throw on an economic process, or on the outcome of such a process, is viewed as deriving from his ability to relate back the process to the individual acts of choice of which the process is made up. Through the theorist’s understanding of the decisions made by individuals, and of the way in which these decisions have mutual impact upon one another, and become mutually adjusted to one another, he is able to 'explain' the course of economic events, and to understand the probable results that will follow from given exogenous changes operating on the system." (Emphasis added.)

Israel M. Kirzner, An Essay on Capital, 1966

Sunday, December 15, 2024

How Far We've Come

"The conditions under which modern man of the capitalist West must act are different from those under which his primitive ancestors lived and acted. As a result of the providential care of our forebears we have at our disposal an ample stock of intermediate products (capital goods or produced factors of production) and of consumers’ goods. Our activities are designed for a longer period of provision because we are the lucky heirs of a past which has lengthened, step by step, the period of provision and has bequeathed to us the means to expand the waiting period. In acting we are concerned with longer periods and are aiming at an even satisfaction in all parts of the period chosen as the period of provision. We are in a position to rely upon a continuing influx of consumers’ goods and have at our disposal not only stocks of goods ready for consumption but also stocks of producers’ goods out of which our continuous efforts again and again make new consumers’ goods mature."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Saturday, December 14, 2024

The Vulnerable Capitalist

"Popular literature attributes enormous 'power' to the capitalist and considers his owning a mass of capital goods as of enormous significance, giving him a great advantage over other people in the economy. We see, however, that this is far from the case; indeed, the opposite may well be true. For the capitalist has already saved from possible consumption and hired the services of factors to produce his capital goods. The owners of these factors have the money already for which they otherwise would have had to save and wait (and bear uncertainty), while the capitalist has only a mass of capital goods, a mass that will prove worthless to him unless it can be further worked on and the product sold to the consumers....

"[C]apital goods are not independently productive. They are the imputable creatures of land and labor (and time). Therefore, capital goods generate no interest income. We have seen above, in keeping with this analysis, that no income accrues to the owners of capital goods as such."

--Murray N. Rothbard, Man, Economy, and State, Chap. 5, secs. 6 & 7, 1962

Friday, December 13, 2024

TGIF: "Corporate" Is Not a Four-Letter Word

I rise today to protest the widespread and malicious use of the adjective corporate as a synonym for evilcorrupt, exploitative, or any number of other pejoratives. As a descriptor, corporate merely says that an association that makes or sells goods for profit is publicly registered as a corporation. (Nonprofits can be corporations too.) This distinguishes the association from sole proprietorships and partnerships. That in turn means the participants in the association have agreed contractually to do business and raise capital in particular ways. Its ownership shares are readily tradeable; it may pay dividends to shareholders; it has a board of directors that hires officers and managers who may not be shareholders, etc.

That's it! That this form of free association should be so despised by "left" and "right" is rooted in misunderstanding, illiberalism, or both.

Incorporation carries no privileges or special obligations under the law. It is a free arrangement arising from a contract and the efficiency-enhancing division of labor between owners and managers. As an association of individuals who have the rights to life, liberty, and lawfully acquired property, the corporation is properly subject to the same laws as anyone else, no more or less. Corporations are (groups of) people. It's as simple as that. (Thus the decision in Citizens United v. FEC was a no-brainer.)

More Mises on the Market

"The capitalists, the enterprisers, and the farmers are instrumental in the conduct of economic affairs. They are at the helm and steer the ship. But they are not free to shape its course. They are not supreme, they are steersmen only, bound to obey unconditionally the captain’s orders. The captain is the consumer.

"Neither the capitalists nor the entrepreneurs nor the farmers determine what has to be produced. The consumers do that. The producers do not produce for their own consumption but for the market. They are intent on selling their products. If the consumers do not buy the goods offered to them, the businessman cannot recover the outlays made. He loses his money. If he fails to adjust his procedure to the wishes of the consumers, he will very soon be removed from his eminent position at the helm. Other men who did better in satisfying the demand of the consumers replace him.

"The real bosses, in the capitalist system of market economy, are the consumers. They, by their buying and by their abstention from buying, decide who should own the capital and run the plants. They determine what should be produced and in what quantity and quality. Their attitudes result either in profit or in loss for the enterpriser. They make poor men rich and rich men poor. They are no easy bosses. They are full of whims and fancies, changeable and unpredictable. They do not care a whit for past merit. As soon as something is offered to them that they like better or that is cheaper, they desert their old purveyors. With them nothing counts more than their own satisfaction. They bother neither about the vested interests of capitalists nor about the fate of the workers who lose their jobs if as consumers they no longer buy what they used to buy."

—Ludwig von Mises, Bureaucracy, 1944

Thursday, December 12, 2024

Natural Economic Law Can't Be Repealed

If the government restricts supply and subsidizes demand, out-of-control prices, resource shortages, and unpleasant ad hoc coping restrictions will follow. That is the natural (economic) law. The government cannot repeal it. But it can stop its attempt to plan.

Wednesday, December 11, 2024

The Health-Care Nirvana Fallacy

Someone explain how coercive centralized bureaucratic control of medical decision-making and the purse can beat the decentralized free market with its undistorted price system. The government has many things besides medical care it wants to spend tax money on, and seemingly free medical care leads to unlimited, unmanageable consumer demand for services. What then? Will the bureaucrats never say NO to many people who need or say they need care? Where will the money come from? Will there not be intolerably long and life-threatening queues for exams, tests, and surgeries? Will doctors work for low reimbursements or be drafted? Aren't resources and labor limited and consumer demand unlimited? Someone square the circle for me.

Many people imagine a perfect medical system in which everyone can have everything he or she wants for the asking and without inconvenience. Nothing can compare to perfection, so case closed. This is the Nirvana Fallacy, judging the possible against the perfectly impossible. The government has steadily made the medical system worse, culminating in the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) and its distorting mandates, regulations, and subsidies.

In contrast, the competitive, profit-motivated free market would expand the number of practitioners (now limited by government rules) and improve the quality and variety of services. It would create consumer price sensitivity (services would no longer appear to be free) while cutting prices through competition and increased services. As the price of medical care came down, so would the price of medical insurance, which would also be unencumbered by political mandates for coverage whether people want it or not. People would find it worthwhile to reserve insurance for catastrophic events only, covering predictable routine matters through their savings. 

This is as good as it can get in a world of scarce resources and unlimited consumer wants.

Tuesday, December 10, 2024

Time to Separate Medicine and State

The "progressive" coverage of United Healthcare CEO Brian Thompson's murder has an unspoken premise: namely, that we could have had a system in which medical care was instantly superabundant and free for everyone. There is no such system. We live in a world of scarcity. Socialized medical systems limit or deny care because of resource and government-budgetary constraints, and they impose high and even lethal costs through long waits for tests, surgeries, etc. Our government-saturated system is a nightmare, to be sure, but more government control would make things even worse, as Obamacare demonstrates.

It's time for the free market.

No Need for DOGE

We don't need a Department (sic) of Government Efficiency. (It's a nongovernment thing.) We need a "Department" of What the Hell Should the Government Be Doing in the First Place? Efficiency implies that you know the objective of a course of action and want to avoid or minimize waste in achieving it. What is the objective of government? We can't judge its efficiency if we don't know its objective.

Monday, December 09, 2024

We Can't Consume Our Way to Prosperity

Once upon a time, John Stuart Mill could write these words truthfully ("Of the Influence of Consumption on Production," 1844):

It is no longer supposed that you benefit the producer by taking his money, provided you give it to him again in exchange for his goods.

He was talking, of course, about government tax-transfer programs intended to stimulate employment by subsidizing consumption. We cannot say this today.

Sunday, December 08, 2024

Anyone Can Be a Capitalist, part 2

"It might be argued that only the 'rich' can afford to be capitalists, i.e., those who have a greater amount of money stock. This argument has superficial plausibility, since ... for any given individual and a given time-preference schedule, a greater money stock will lead to a greater supply of savings, and a lesser money stock to a lesser supply of savings.... We cannot, however, assume that a man with (post-income) assets of 10,000 ounces of gold will necessarily save more than a man with 100 ounces of gold. We cannot compare time preferences interpersonally, any more than we can formulate interpersonal laws for any other type of utilities. What we can assert as an economic law for one person we cannot assert in comparing two or more persons. Each person has his own time-preference schedule, apart from the specific size of his monetary stock. Each person’s time-preference schedule, as with any other element in his value scale, is entirely of his own making. All of us have heard of the proverbially thrifty French peasant, compared with the rich playboy who is always running into debt. The common-sense observation that it is generally the rich who save more may be an interesting historical judgment, but it furnishes us with no scientific economic law whatever, and the purpose of economic science is to furnish us with such laws. As long as a person has any money at all, and he must have some money if he participates in the market society to any extent, he can be a capitalist.

—Murray Rothbard, Man, Economy, and State

Saturday, December 07, 2024

Anyone Can Be a Capitalist, part 1

"[A]ny man can be a capitalist if only he wants to be. He can derive his funds solely from the fruits of previous capitalist investment or from past 'hoarded' cash balances or solely from his income as a laborer or a landowner. He can, of course, derive his funds from several of these sources. The only thing that stops a man from being a capitalist is his own high time-preference scale, in other words, his stronger desire to consume goods in the present. Marxists and others who postulate a rigid stratification—a virtual caste structure in society—are in grave error. The same person can be at once a laborer, a landowner, and a capitalist, in the same period of time."

—Murray N. Rothbard, Man, Economy, and State

Friday, December 06, 2024

TGIF: Supply Precedes Demand

"Consumption is the sole end and purpose of all production." —Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776

"In the market economy the consumers are supreme. Their buying and their abstention from buying ultimately determine what the entrepreneurs produce and in what quantity and quality." —Ludwig von Mises, Planned Chaos, 1947

If the ultimate purpose of economic activity is consumer welfare, you might think that government measures to increase consumption ought to be taken seriously. But that would be hasty. Even though many smart people, even economists, do so, there's a simple reason it's mistaken: consumption cannot precede production, and increased consumption cannot precede increased production. That would seem to be logically unexceptionable. You cannot eat what is not on your plate. Consumption is the purpose of but not the stimulus to production.

An ever-present and permanent necessity of life, consumption does not make production possible; it does not improve production over current conditions. What does? Deferred consumption—that is, saving.

Robinson Crusoe wanted to consume the moment he landed on that naturally stingy island. However, his desire to consume did not create consumer goods, and he could not consume what was unavailable. His unaided labor allowed a low, literally hand-to-mouth, perhaps subsistent level of production and consumption, but greater consumption required savings, which required the diversion of time, energy, and resources from consumption to production. Consuming less in the present, he accumulated fish, berries, or coconuts so he could consume them later on while he was making, say, a fishing net, which would deliver more fish than his bare hands could deliver.

This all makes perfect sense once the point is examined, but many important people don't get it. That's why American presidential administrations have pushed "stimulus" bills—massive government spending ostensibly to goose the economy and create prosperity. The government is widely seen as the spender of last resort. (Government spending is consumption not production because it is not the outcome of the market process but rather the reflection of the preferences of politicians spending other people's money without their consent.)

Market-guided economic growth—higher living standards for all—requires increased investment aimed at better buildings, machines, tools, production and management methods, research and development, etc. Investment is the complement of saving. Even simply maintaining the capital structure as it is requires savings. When people live below their means—save—they directly or indirectly put their surplus income to work. This can happen in many time-consuming ways, the details of which we need not discuss here. (A good portion of Mises's Human Action and Murray Rothbard's Man, Economy, and State is devoted to explaining this process.) 

When people save, they of course do not renounce all consumption for all time. They save because they want to consume even more in the future than they could consume in the present. The returns on saving and investment (entrepreneurial profit, interest, dividends, capital gains, etc.) make that possible.

In contrast, when the government tries to stimulate economic growth by directly increasing consumption, it defies logic or attempts to. (So what else is new?) Where does the government get the money it then spends or hands out? I can think of three typical ways: 1) it can tax people; 2) it can borrow money from willing lenders; and 3) it can create money through its central bank, the Federal Reserve. (Nos. 2 and 3 are linked when the Fed buys, or monetizes, government bonds from the original lenders. A fourth revenue option, selling government-"owned" land and buildings, raises a question: by what right do politicians sell assets their predecessors acquired through theft (eminent domain) and interference with private appropriation of unowned land through homesteading?

How can government spending and transfers promote consumer demand? Taxation simply moves money—at the point of a gun—from some people to others. Where's the gain? (In fact, it's a loss because the money might be moved from savers to nonsavers.) If it borrows, the government again transfers money from some to others, promising to tax people in the future to pay off the loan plus interest. So while borrowing appears voluntary, it actually rests on the threat of physical force later on. Finally, if the government creates money through the Federal Reserve, monetary inflation indirectly transfers purchasing power from some to others because some people will get the watered-down, price-increasing fiat currency sooner than others. (Monetary inflation also distorts the structure of production.)

Thus the government's attempt to increase production through increased consumer spending is a losing proposition. People will always want and need to consume. So the government need not manage consumption, just as it need not manage the law of gravity. What it needs to do is keep clear of saving and investing. It can do this by abolishing all taxes on those activities. It's not only good sense, it's a matter of justice because taxing savings and investments constitutes double and triple taxation. That's just not fair. (Not that single taxation is fair, but let that go today.)

Finally, to bring this all home, let's recall one of the great insights of the early classical liberal political economists, Jean-Baptiste Say. Say's Law of Markets, or Say's Law, has been misconstrued in an effort to discredit the free market. Say answered the old saw that economies slump because of underconsumption (or overproduction of everything). Say told his readers that in a money economy, production and consumption were two sides of the same coin. (Pun intended.) People produce goods for the market so they can "buy" money with which to purchase, sooner or later, consumer goods produced by others.

As Mises wrote:

Commodities, says Say, are ultimately paid for not by money, but by other commodities. Money is merely the commonly used medium of exchange; it plays only an intermediary role. What the seller wants ultimately to receive in exchange for the commodities sold is other commodities.

Every commodity produced is therefore a price, as it were, for other commodities produced. The situation of the producer of any commodity is improved by any increase in the production of other commodities.

John Stuart Mill noted:

What supports and employs productive labour, is the capital expended in setting it to work, and not the demand of purchasers for the produce of the labour when completed. Demand for commodities is not demand for labour. The demand for commodities determines in what particular branch of production the labour and capital shall be employed; it determines the direction of the labour; but not the more or less of the labour itself, or of the maintenance or payment of the labour. These depend on the amount of the capital, or other funds directly devoted to the sustenance and remuneration of labour.

Despite this long understanding, many people think that the key to prosperity lies in consumer spending. Much is made of the fact that consumer spending is close to 70 percent of GDP. Google's Gemini AI Overview echoes the popular view that "consumer spending is the largest component of GDP and is a major driver of the economy. It's a key factor in determining whether the US economy is growing or shrinking." (Emphasis added.)

That sort of thinking has led to much mischief. Yet Murray Rothbard wrote in Chapter 6 of Man, Economy, and State:

A common fallacy ... holds that the important category of expenditures in the production system is consumers’ spending. Many writers have gone so far as to relate business prosperity directly to consumers’ spending, and depressions of business to declines in consumers’ spending.... [B]ut it is clear that there is little or no relationship between prosperity and consumers’ spending; indeed almost the reverse is true.

What makes an economy better for everyone is the prospect of a return to producers' time-consuming and risky efforts; this depends on the difference between what capitalists pay upfront—to workers, landowners, and other factor owners—and what they reap later through the sale of partially finished producer and completed consumer goods—if their market forecasts were accurate. "It is not the total quantity of money spent on consumption that is relevant to capitalists’ returns," Rothbard wrote, "but the margins, the spreads, between the product prices and the sum of factor prices at the various stages." (Emphasis in original.)

A prosperous economy for all features long and time-consuming chains of production. And time entails the risk of failure and loss, as well as the prospect of profit. Also, machines, tools, etc. wear out. "[W]ith production divided into stages, it is not true that consumption spending is sufficient to provide for the maintenance of the capital structure." That requires capitalist-entrepreneurs to save and invest persistently rather than consume. Rothbard: "[W]e must realize that there is nothing automatic about this investment. There is no natural law that they must reinvest this amount."

And if they consume instead?

It is evident that the entire market-born production structure would be destroyed..... [C]ivilization advances by virtue of additional capital, which lengthens production processes. Greater quantities of goods are made possible only through the employment of more capital in longer processes. Should capitalists shift from saving-investment to consumption, all these processes would be necessarily abandoned, and the economy would revert to barbarism, with the employment of only the shortest and most primitive production processes. The standard of living, the quantity and variety of goods produced, would fall catastrophically to the primitive level.

As Rothbard sums it up: "There is, in fact, never any need to worry about the maintenance of consumer spending. There must always be consumption." (Emphasis in original.)

(On the misunderstanding of the role of consumer spending, by all means, see John Papola's (of Dad Saves America) two excellent videos here and here.)

Friday, November 29, 2024

TGIF: On Fairness

Fairness and its synonyms are among the most abused words in English. By that I mean they are commonly manipulated for ideological ends. Wokeness has aggravated a situation that has existed for some time. What better way to score points for a political position than to declare that fairness demands it? The tactic puts the unprepared opponent on the back foot.

For example, people say it is unfair that some people have more than others. There are "haves" and "have-nots," although the latter phrase is either grossly exaggerated or outright dishonest. By and large, Americans are the richest people who have ever lived, and extreme poverty worldwide has declined from 90 percent to less than 10 percent in a dramatically short time.

At any rate, this condition of inequality, regardless of its explanation, is routinely thought to be unfair. Inequality of any kind—not just before the law or something similar—is "just not right."

But is it so?

Not If we see society and its division of labor as a large-scale decentralized cooperative wealth-creating effort. That's the global marketplace. In this light, income and wealth wealth and income inequality are certainly not prima facie unfair. For any large group of people, the contributions to wealth creation will vary widely. People differ in all sorts of ways, from mental agility and energy to ambition and disposition. Why wouldn't the rewards vary widely as well? Recall that when the government does not try to manipulate people, incomes and wealth are determined, not by a central decision-maker, but through countless marginal voluntary transactions. The parties agreed to transact, preferring what they received to what they gave up. There is no distribution until government comes on the scene.

In Human Action, Mises wrote:

In the market society direct compulsion and coercion are practiced only for the sake of preventing acts detrimental to social cooperation. For the rest individuals are not molested by the police power. The law-abiding citizen is free from the interference of jailers and hangmen. What pressure is needed to impel an individual to contribute his share to the cooperative effort of production is exercised by the price structure of the market. This pressure is indirect. It puts on each individual’s contribution a premium graduated according to the value which the consumers attach to this contribution. In rewarding the individual’s effort according to its value, it leaves to everybody the choice between a more or less complete utilization of his own faculties and abilities. This method cannot, of course, eliminate the disadvantages of inherent personal inferiority. But it provides an incentive to everybody to exert his faculties and abilities to the utmost. [Emphasis added.]

That certainly is reasonable, but many people reject this perspective. They need to ask themselves what the alternative is (besides equal poverty). Those critics suffer the delusion that no connection exists between production and so-called distribution. John Stuart Mill unfortunately believed this. But that cannot be. If the state expropriates the wealth of producers in Period A, they can hardly be expected to remain vulnerable to expropriation in Period B and beyond. Even an increase in top income-tax rates prompt strategies (legal and illegal) to pay less tax. You can't have your cake and eat it too.

Does a fairer alternative to the market economy exist? Mises went on:

The only alternative to this [above-mentioned] financial pressure as exercised by the market is direct pressure and compulsion as exercised by the police power. The authorities must be entrusted with the task of determining the quantity and quality of work that each individual is bound to perform. As individuals are unequal with regard to their abilities, this requires an examination of their personalities on the part of the authorities. The individual becomes an inmate of a penitentiary, as it were, to whom a definite task is assigned. If he fails to achieve what the authorities have ordered him to do, he is liable to punishment.

In other words, everyone is potentially subject to physical force, not because he aggressed against persons or property, but because he failed to fulfill the social engineers' plans. This does not make for a decent society.

We have not fully reached that point yet in America because the market is still "allowed" to operate to a significant extent. But for many intellectuals and activists, America still has too much market freedom; they would quash what is left. They don't like that "impersonal market forces"—that is, persons who freely choose with whom to do business—determine wealth and income ultimately according to the producers' ability to please consumers. The anti-market parties would shut down the market economy if they could. Meanwhile, they'll settle for increasing political impediments to free action. Government control of nominal private property of the means of production is what Mussolini meant by fascism and corporatism.

The only choice is between price and police, Mises taught:

No system of the social division of labor can do without a method that makes individuals responsible for their contributions to the joint productive effort. If this responsibility is not brought about by the price structure of the market and the inequality of wealth and income it begets, it must be enforced by the methods of direct compulsion as practiced by the police.

The police? We shouldn't like the sound of that. As Mises, no anarchist, put it elsewhere in Human Action:

Government is in the last resort the employment of armed men, of policemen, gendarmes, soldiers, prison guards, and hangmen. The essential feature of government is the enforcement of its decrees by beating, killing, and imprisoning. Those who are asking for more government interference are asking ultimately for more compulsion and less freedom.

Another example of abuse of the term unfairness is that market competition is often thought to be unfair to the inferior competitors who lose out to superior competitors. Again, a key point is missed. An economy does not exist for competitors. People spontaneously generate the economic process because they want a variety of consumer goods in a world of scarcity and uncertainty—where choices must be made among alternative uses of resources and labor. It would be nice if all people could have everything at no expense, but we can't. Yet compare the modern world to previous eras.

Here's Mises on competition:

Catallactic [marketplace] competition must not be confused with prize fights and beauty contests. The purpose of such fights and contests is to discover who is the best boxer or the prettiest girl. The social function of catallactic competition is, to be sure, not to establish who is the smartest boy and to reward the winner by a title and medals. Its function is to safeguard the best satisfaction of the consumers attainable under the given state of the economic data.

Equality of opportunity is a factor neither in prize fights and beauty contests nor in any other field of competition, whether biological or social. The immense majority of people are by the physiological structure of their bodies deprived of a chance to attain the honors of a boxing champion or a beauty queen. Only very few people can compete on the labor market as opera singers and movie stars. The most favorable opportunity to compete in the field of scientific achievement is provided to the university professors. Yet, thousands and thousands of professors pass away without leaving any trace in the history of ideas and scientific progress, while many of the handicapped outsiders win glory through marvelous contributions.

Isn't that unfair? Equal opportunity, except in the sense of the abolition of legal impediments, is not an option. Under no circumstances could everyone have the same shot at a given position. But again, it's not producers but consumers who are center stage.

It is usual to find fault with the fact that catallactic competition is not open to everybody in the same way. The start is much more difficult for a poor boy than for the son of a wealthy man. But the consumers are not concerned about the problem of whether or not the men who shall serve them start their careers under equal conditions. Their only interest is to secure the best possible satisfaction of their needs.... They look at the matter from the point of view of social expediency and social welfare, not from the point of view of an alleged, imaginary, and unrealizable “natural” right of every individual to compete with equal opportunity. The realization of such a right would require placing at a disadvantage those born with better intelligence and greater will power than the average man. It is obvious that this would be absurd. [Emphasis added.]

Frédéric Bastiat said the same thing in the 19th century in demolishing the case for tariffs. Protectionists often defend their position by calling for a "level playing field" for all competitors, foreign and domestic. Yet in "Equalizing the Conditions of Production," a chapter in his Economic Sophisms, Bastiat set the record straight:

Here as elsewhere we find the advocates of protectionism taking the point of view of the producers; whereas we defend the cause of the unfortunate consumers, whom they absolutely refuse to take into consideration. The protectionists compare the field of industry to a race track. But at the race track, the race is at once
means and end. The public takes no interest in the contest aside from the contest itself. When you spur your horses on with the single end of learning which is the fastest runner, I agree that you should equalize their weights. But if your
end were getting an important and urgent piece of news to the winning post, would it be consistent for you to put obstacles in the way of the horse that had the best chance of getting there first? Yet that is what you protectionists do with respect to industry. You forget its desired result, which is man’s well-being; by dint of begging the question, you disregard this result and even go so far as to sacrifice it.

A key to the economic and pro-freedom way of thinking is to never take your eye off the consumer.

 

Tuesday, November 26, 2024

Economics and Everyday Life, 2

"[E]conomic relations constitute a machinery by which men devote their energies to the immediate accomplishment of each other's purposes in order to secure the ultimate accomplishment of their own, irrespective of what those purposes of their own may be, and therefore irrespective of the egoistic or altruistic nature of the motives which dictate them and which stimulate efforts to accomplish them. And the things and doings with which economic investigation is concerned will therefore be found to include everything which enters into the circle of exchange—that is to say, everything with which men can supply each other, or which men can do for each other, in what we may call an impersonal capacity; or, in other words, the things a man can give to or do for another independently of any personal and individualised sympathy with him or with his motives or reasons."

—Philip H. Wicksteed, The Commonsense of Political Economy, 1910

Monday, November 25, 2024

Economics and Everyday Life

"[T]he general principles which regulate our conduct in business are identical with those which regulate our deliberations, our selections between alternatives, and our decisions, in all other branches of life. And this is why we not only may, but must, take our ordinary experiences as the starting point for approaching economic problems. We must regard industrial and commercial life, not as a separate and detached region of activity, but as an organic part of our whole personal and social life; and we shall find the clue to the conduct of men in their commercial relations, not in the first instance amongst those characteristics wherein our pursuit of industrial objects differs from our pursuit of pleasure or of learning, or our efforts for some political and social ideal, but rather amongst those underlying principles of conduct and selection wherein they all resemble each other; for only so can we find the organic place of industry in our conception of life as a whole."

—Philip H. Wicksteed, The Commonsense of Political Economy, 1910

Friday, November 22, 2024

TGIF: "You Didn't Build That"

Remember Barack Obama's profound 2012 campaign speech about success? Here's part of what he said:

There are a lot of wealthy, successful Americans who agree with me -- because they want to give something back. They know they didn’t -- look, if you’ve been successful, you didn’t get there on your own. You didn’t get there on your own. I’m always struck by people who think, well, it must be because I was just so smart. There are a lot of smart people out there. It must be because I worked harder than everybody else. Let me tell you something -- there are a whole bunch of hardworking people out there.

If you were successful, somebody along the line gave you some help. There was a great teacher somewhere in your life. Somebody helped to create this unbelievable American system that we have that allowed [!] you to thrive.  Somebody invested in roads and bridges. If you’ve got a business—you didn’t build that. Somebody else made that happen. The Internet didn’t get invented on its own. Government research created the Internet so that all the companies could make money off the Internet.

The point is, is that when we succeed, we succeed because of our individual initiative, but also because we do things together. There are some things, just like fighting fires, we don’t do on our own. I mean, imagine if everybody had their own fire service. That would be a hard way to organize fighting fires.

So we say to ourselves, ever since the founding of this country, you know what, there are some things we do better together.... We rise or fall together as one nation and as one people, and that’s the reason I’m running for President—because I still believe in that idea. You’re not on your own, we’re in this together.

Obama was no outlier. Plenty of people would be willing to give that speech today, maybe even Donald Trump.

Where to start? Obama said that he knows wealthy people who want to "give something back." Why? Presumably because of their wealth and success. That makes no sense. If these people made their wealth by producing attractive goods for consumers (which is how most wealthy people get wealthy), then what's to give back? We consumers did not give them money as a favor. We engaged in voluntary exchange. We gave up $X to get product Y because we prefer what we got to what we gave up. They benefitted and we benefitted. Double profit, double "thank you," as John Stossel says. That's how trade works when it's uncoerced. No debt; nothing to give back. End of.

Second, superstar entrepreneurs likely are smarter and more perceptive about the future state of the market than most other people. I doubt they go around bragging about it or minimizing the role of "good breaks." They surely know that things other than sheer intelligence figure into success. But let's not be unrealistically egalitarian about it. Some people are better suited to be entrepreneurs than others. Many of the outside factors that Obama named were also available to others. Why didn't those others succeed?

Next, what's this buncombe about all of us rising or falling together? When a business fails to satisfy us, it falls. Its owners, managers, and employees have to find other work. Its investors lose out. But the rest of us have not fallen. The failed businesses's material factors are now available to produce things we want. The discharged employees are now available to make other things we want. Where's the general failure? Obama spoke collectivist nonsense. Something does—or should—unite people, but it's not what Obama had in mind. They have a stake in a free society, that is, a society in which the government does not try to manage their lives and market relations.

The rest of the passage is Obama's elaboration of this thesis: "If you’ve been successful, you didn’t get there on your own." Was he so ignorant of the case for laissez faire that he thought this was news for defenders of the unmolested market economy? Was he having a laugh? Ludwig von Mises, one of the 20th century's premier champions of individual freedom considered calling his economic treatise "Social Cooperation." That is the second most common phrase in Human Action, right behind "division of labor," which Mises sometimes called the "social division of labor."

So Obama was tackling the scrawniest of strawmen. He was being a demagogue. No market advocate ever suggested that lucrative businesses were built in isolated shacks in rural Montana. Businesses were always described as embedded in the complex network we call the market economy.

I modestly suggest that Obama and every one of his ilk read I, Pencil. That's Leonard E. Read's 1958 essay explaining why no one person can make something as commonplace as a pencil. On the contrary, it takes incredibly complex worldwide cooperation, and it happens without a central authority. The price system, rooted in private property in the factors of production and in trade, directs the myriad self-interested activities that entrepreneurs, under no one's orders, combine to produce the pencil. No kidding. I. Pencil was written three years before Obama was born. Read, founder of the Foundation for Economic Education, had a different lesson in mind from Obama's ignorant message. The former president had a collectivist, interventionist message. Read's was an individualist, free-market message. Read for the win.

Obama named particular things, such as the internet, which got started or built under government auspices. But, as usual, he overlooks what is not seen. (Also see "I, Website.") Obama thinks that if the government does not do something, it does not get done. But if the government did not build roads, bridges, airports, ports, schools, and the internet, would those things never have come into being? That's beggars belief. We know it's not true. People privately built public infrastructure before the government did. It didn't happen "on its own." Profit-seeking individuals and their free associations made it happen.

Businesses that relied on the infrastructure paid for its services. "Take what you want, said God, and pay for it," the Spanish proverb says. That's the market; no need for coercion. Why the mystery? Obama ignored all of the amazing things that free and private enterprise has created over the centuries, not without any assistance, but without government assistance. If he knows better, he's a demagogue.

Here's how Ludwig von Mises addressed the issue in Human Action in 1949, long before Obama  was born (but the year I was born):

The interventionists and the socialists contend that all commodities are turned out by a social process of production. When this process comes to an end and its fruits ripen, a second social process, that of distribution of the yield, follows and allots a share to each. The characteristic feature of the capitalist order is that the shares allotted are unequal. Some people—the entrepreneurs, the capitalists, and the landowners—appropriate to themselves more than they should. Accordingly, the portions of other people are curtailed. Government should by rights expropriate the surplus of the privileged and distribute it among the underprivileged.

Now in the market economy this alleged dualism of two independent processes, that of production and that of distribution, does not exist. There is only one process going on. Goods are not first produced and then distributed. There is no such thing as an appropriation of portions out of a stock of ownerless goods. The products come into existence as somebody’s property. If one wants to distribute them, one must first confiscate them. It is certainly very easy for the governmental apparatus of compulsion and coercion to embark upon confiscation and expropriation. But this does not prove that a durable system of economic affairs can be built upon such confiscation and expropriation.

Before the interventionists dispense more advice, they might learn some economics.

 

Tuesday, November 19, 2024

Taking It for Granted

"Capitalism, says Marx, unthinkingly repeating the fables of the eulogists of the Middle Ages, has an inevitable tendency to impoverish the workers more and more. The truth is that capitalism has poured a horn of plenty upon the masses of wage earners who frequently did all they could to sabotage the adoption of those innovations which render their life more agreeable. How uneasy an American worker would be if he were forced to live in the style of a medieval lord and to miss the plumbing facilities and the other gadgets he simply takes for granted!" —Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Monday, November 18, 2024

The Miracle of Mass Production

"The fact that my fellow man wants to acquire shoes as I do, does not make it harder for me to get shoes, but easier." —Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Sunday, November 17, 2024

Shame on You, Socialists

American socialists not only pit workers against entrepreneurs; they also pit rich American workers against the poor workers of the rest of the world. Shame on you, socialists!

The Value of Selfishness

"The welfare school pretends not only to stand for the interests of the whole of society as against the selfish interests of profit-seeking business; it contends moreover that it takes into account the lasting secular interests of the nation as against the short-term concerns of speculators, promoters, and capitalists who are exclusively committed to profiteering and do not bother about the future of the whole of society. This second claim is, of course, irreconcilable with the emphasis laid by the school upon short-run policies as against long-run concerns. However, consistency is not one of the virtues of the welfare doctrinaires. Let us for the sake of argument disregard this contradiction in their statements and examine them without reference to their inconsistency.

"Saving, capital accumulation, and investment withhold the amount concerned from current consumption and dedicate it to the improvement of future conditions. The saver foregoes the increase in present satisfaction in order to improve his own well-being and that of his family in the more distant future. His intentions are certainly selfish in the popular connotation of the term. But the effects of his selfish conduct are beneficial to the lasting secular interests of the whole of society as well as of all its members. His conduct produces all those phenomena to which even the most bigoted welfare propagandist attributes the epithets economic improvement and progress....

"The welfare propagandist, it is true, raises two objections. First, that the individual’s motive is selfishness, while the government is imbued with good intentions. Let us admit for the sake of argument that individuals are devilish and rulers angelic. But what counts in life and reality is—in spite of what Kant said to the contrary—not good intentions, but accomplishments. What makes the existence and the evolution of society possible is precisely the fact that peaceful cooperation under the social division of labor in the long run best serves the selfish concerns of all individuals. The eminence of the market society is that its whole functioning and operation is the consummation of this principle."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Saturday, November 16, 2024

Mises on Equality and Inequality

"The liberal champions of equality under the law were fully aware of the fact that men are born unequal and that it is precisely their inequality that generates social cooperation and civilization. Equality under the law was in their opinion not designed to correct the inexorable facts of the universe and to make natural inequality disappear. It was, on the contrary, the device to secure for the whole of mankind the maximum of benefits it can derive from it. Henceforth no man-made institutions should prevent a man from attaining that station in which he can best serve his fellow citizens."

—Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Friday, November 15, 2024

TGIF: Police-State Progressives

Progressives see themselves as, well, progressive. But they aren't. Even at their best, in opposing the national security state, they support massive government power in other realms of life. At heart they are social engineers. They seek a "moral equivalent of war," that is, regimentation without bloodshed. They are even anti-democratic when it suits them.

We can see all of this through the eyes of Ludwig von Mises. This is from his book Planned Chaos (1947; free audiobook here). Mises, of course, championed the unhampered market economy, or laissez-faire capitalism. He wrote:

In the market economy the consumers are supreme. Their buying and their abstention from buying ultimately determine what the entrepreneurs produce and in what quantity and quality. It determines directly the prices of the consumers' goods and indirectly the prices of all producers' goods, viz., labour and material factors of production. It determines the emergence of profits and losses and the formation of the rate of interest. It determines every individual's income. The focal point of the market economy is the market, i.e., the process of the formation of commodity prices, wage rates and interest rates and their derivatives, profits and losses. It makes all men in their capacity as producers responsible to the consumers. This dependence is direct with entrepreneurs, capitalists, farmers and professional men, and indirect with people working for salaries and wages. The market adjusts the efforts of all those engaged in supplying the needs of the consumers to the wishes of those for whom they produce, the consumers. It subjects production to consumption.

Thursday, November 14, 2024

The Worker as Free Person

"In the market economy the worker sells his services as other people sell their commodities. The employer is not the employee’s lord. He is simply the buyer of services which he must purchase at their market price. Of course, like every other buyer an employer too can take liberties. But if he resorts to arbitrariness in hiring or discharging workers, he must foot the bill. An employer or an employee entrusted with the management of a department of an enterprise is free to discriminate in hiring workers, to fire them arbitrarily, or to cut down their wages below the market rate. But in indulging in such arbitrary acts he jeopardizes the profitability of his enterprise or his department and thereby impairs his own income and his position in the economic system. In the market economy such whims bring their own punishment. The only real and effective protection of the wage earner in the market economy is provided by the play of the factors determining the formation of prices. The market makes the worker independent of arbitrary discretion on the part of the employer and his aides. The workers are subject only to the supremacy of the consumers as their employers are too. In determining, by buying or abstention from buying, the prices of products and the employment of factors of production, consumers assign to each kind of labor its market price.

"What makes the worker a free man is precisely the fact that the employer, under the pressure of the market’s price structure, considers labor a commodity, an instrument of earning profits. The employee is in the eyes of the employer merely a man who for a consideration in money helps him to make money. The employer pays for services rendered and the employee performs in order to earn wages. There is in this relation between employer and employee no question of favor or disfavor. The hired man does not owe the employer gratitude; he owes him a definite quantity of work of a definite kind and quality."

--Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Wednesday, November 13, 2024

Labor as Commodity

For the individual actor, "as for everyone, other people’s labor as offered for sale on the market is nothing but a factor of production. Man deals with other people’s labor in the same way that he deals with all scarce material factors of production. He appraises it according to the principles he applies in the appraisal of all other goods. The height of wage rates is determined on the market in the same way in which the prices of all commodities are determined. In this sense we may say that labor is a commodity. The emotional associations which people, under the influence of Marxism, attach to this term do not matter. It suffices to observe incidentally that the employers deal with labor as they do with commodities because the conduct of the consumers forces them to proceed in this way."

--Ludwig von Mises, Human Action

Monday, November 11, 2024

Some Things Never Change

"The condition upon which God hath given liberty to man is eternal vigilance; which condition if he break, servitude is at once the consequence of his crime and the punishment of his guilt.”
--John Philpot Curran, Irish statesman, 1790

Friday, November 08, 2024

TGIF: That Was the Election that Was

One can be overjoyed by the repudiation of a candidate without being pleased with the opposing candidate's victory. This election is an occasion for that reaction. An American (or anyone actually) is perfectly justified in taking pleasure in Kamala Harris's humiliating defeat while anguishing over the intemperate Donald Trump's impressive win. As I like to say, every election has good and bad news: the losers lost but the winners won. That's where I am today if anyone cares to know.

I rejoice at the defeat of Harris and virtually all that she stands for, while also realizing that some of the grounds for that defeat are themselves to be repudiated. Most Trump voters seemed to have had "the economy" uppermost in mind, with immigration a distant second. That's sort of good news, except that most people think tariffs are a big solution for our economic woes. (In fact, there's no "economy." There are only cooperative interacting individuals deploying material factors and human effort to improve their conditions.)

Trump's defects have been widely discussed here and elsewhere. No need to rehearse them now. (As Yogi Berra said pre-internet, "You could look it up.")

One of Harris's problems was that while there was no there there, she was likely surrounded by the condescending woke set whom she would have wanted to please. This held the potential for outright violations of freedom and impediments to advancing prosperity. It may well have aggravated tensions between people of different skin tones and ethnicities—something no advocate of social cooperation through the market economy should take lightly. We must be wary of those who seek to undermine domestic peace, especially when the cause is not justice, but trivial natal characteristics (like where your parents were born). (For an account of the dangers of a Harris administration, see Gene Healy's "Fear and Loathing at the Ballot Box.")

Trump was called Hitler, a Nazi, and a fascist, which was not only ill-defined and absurd but malicious. The people who trafficked in such charges, including the top of the Democratic ticket, deserved to lose just for using such tactics. Warnings that he would establish a dictatorship were hollow and not really believed by many who issued the warnings. Remember that a partly Democratically controlled Congress reauthorized horrendous surveillance powers for this "worse than Hitler" figure during his first term. How are we to explain that? Politics, that's how.

We have to discount much of Trump's flamboyant rhetoric because we know that he loves to play to his core audience, which in turn loves to see the woke progressives sent into rage on MSNBC, CNN, etc. His core audience called on candidate Trump in 2016 to "lock her up," meaning his rival, Hillary Clinton. Did his Justice Department bring a case against her? No, it didn't. He didn't try to lock her up.

When Trump partisan Sean Hannity asked him during the latest campaign if he would abuse his power to retaliate against his enemies, he smiled and said he would, but only on day one. What would he do? "Seal the border" and "drill, baby, drill" for oil. When Hannity said, "That's not retribution," Trump ignored him and kept talking. That did not keep his opponents from "reporting" that he said he would be a dictator on day one and beyond and would punish his opponents. The Democrats' implicit message all season seemed to be this: "He's really not so bad, so we have to make up stuff."

I'm not defending his "seal the border" promise or his promise to round up and deport millions of people for lacking government permission papers. Those would be terribly unjust policies. Tragically, however, a president probably has decades-old congressionally delegated powers to do such things. So technically Trump wouldn't be acting like a dictator. The same is true for oil drilling. We don't know exactly what he means, but if he intends to free producers to bring more oil and gas to market, then yay! If he intends to direct an effort to create energy independence, then boo. We'll have to wait and see. The point is that any president would probably already have congressionally authorized powers to loosen restraints on oil producers. His promise does not imply dictatorship.

But let's consider the possibility further. Would there be no checks on his power if Trump tried to be a dictator? Would the military obey orders to arrest, say, Supreme Court justices or recalcitrant members of Congress? Would the courts support him? Unlikely. How would he enforce orders no one obeyed? He'll have no guns.

America still has a legacy of liberalism in the best sense, which includes deep-seated attitudes about government power, as well as an independent judiciary and a Constitution-bound military. This limits what even a dictatorial-minded president could get away with in America. In a sense, it really can't happen here. At least it's highly unlikely compared to other places without our traditions.

My old friend the historian Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, who has thought much about the role of ideology in society, used to say that if a Soviet ruler had magically appeared as the president of the United States, he could not have ruled in the Soviet style. Likewise, if a libertarian had magically become the head of the Soviet government, he could not have governed like Ron Paul would have. History and tradition—ideology—would have prevented it. The result is a sturdy, albeit not indestructible set of taboos.

Even Trump is probably not blind to what is unique about the American liberal legacy (including freedom of enterprise) and what makes for legitimacy. Ideas, not force, rule the world, Hummel says. "Ideas ultimately determine in which direction [people] wield their weapons or whether they wield them at all," he writes.

This does not mean we will be able to sleep soundly from Jan. 20, 2025, through 2028. Guarantees are not to be found in such things. But we need not run around like our hair is on fire. I question the claim that Trump will be a dangerous freer agent in his second term. As self-centered as Trump is, he will surely have an eye on the mid-terms; he won't want to lose the House or Senate in 2026. Moreover, he won't want to hamper J. D. Vance or another would-be successor for 2028. He won't be free to offend those who still are connected to America's pro-freedom legacy.

In foreign affairs, if Trump means to get and keep out of other people's conflicts, then good. But he gives us no reason for confidence. Look at his first term. Look at his unwavering support for Israel's violence against the Palestinians. (No defense of the brutal Hamas is hereby implied.) Look at his belligerence toward Iran. Look at his acceptance of the expansion of NATO. To state the obvious, Donald Trump is no Richard Cobden, even if we ignore the tariffs, which we cannot do.

So I'm not optimistic about foreign policy, though Harris would have been worse. (Did she push her boss to reinstate the nuclear deal with Iran that Trump canceled? We have no evidence of that.)

None of this is amenable to mathematical or scientific proof. How could it be? We're talking about the always-uncertain future and individuals who have free will. On this day, however, this is how I see it. It seems reasonable

Then again, what the hell do I know?